Rédaction Africa Links 24 with Info du pays
Published on 2024-04-03 11:58:59
DEBATE OF MARCH 30, 2024
Free Tribune
By Dr. Georges William-Kouessan
“UNIVERSITIES IN UNIVERSITIES, POLITICS TO POLITICIANS”
I followed with great interest the essential part of the debate on Saturday, March 30, 2024, organized by the national television with the collaboration of many other channels.
During this debate, three things particularly caught my attention: the composition of the panel, the substance of the debate, and the noticeable presence of academics alongside politicians.
1- the composition of the panel
Without a doubt, I affirm that this is what first caught the attention of all viewers on the evening of Saturday, March 30, 2024.
I wondered who could have had the idea and audacity to compose a panel in this way for a debate that should have been a strong message to all Togolese.
The topic of changing the constitution had been hot in the country for a few days and this debate should have shed light on all Togolese.
It was rather a missed opportunity. History will remember it. Eight proponents of the new constitution against only one opponent. And moreover, the sole opponent (who held his own brilliantly against all) was neither political nor a jurist.
Where have we ever seen a panel being composed like this?
Supposing that some members of the opposition were invited but declined the invitation, why not invite others? If no other opponent to the new constitution can be found to add to the panel, common sense would dictate that the number of proponents be simply reduced to create a balance or at least a semblance of balance.
I am all the more surprised and shocked, as there were a myriad of academics on the panel who accommodated it even though it is the university that instills in us the great values including that of equity.
Have the teachers of our universities stooped to this level? The level where one ignores even the simple notion of equity?
The government wants to be majority everywhere, even in the composition of a debate panel. It’s astonishing.
2- the substance of the debate
The main questions that have been raised so far around this change of constitution are: the lack of debate on a subject of national interest, the need to go through a referendum, the parliamentary system with the immediate consequence of the suppression of presidential elections, and finally the legitimacy of the proposing and voting deputies.
In response to the first concern, the proponents on the panel told us that a national debate would not bring much because it had been tried in the past without success. It was mentioned in particular the moment when the country demanded the transition to multi-partyism and the case of CVJR with Mrs. Awa Nana who was attempted to be stoned.
Arguments as light and as superficial as they are surprising. Even if these reasons cited are true, should we throw the handle away after the axe? Do we engage in a national approach by taking into account its success rate in the past or rather its necessity and social utility?
Regarding the second concern. It was asked if the legislator, when drafting the 1992 constitution, believed that 4/5 of the deputies equated to the entire people, since a 2/3 vote would require a referendum.
To this question the answer could be yes if we were not facing a monochromatic Assembly.
How can the 4/5 of a National Assembly installed by legislative elections in which the main opposition political parties did not participate be equivalent to the whole people?
In response to the third question, the proponents of the new constitution tell us, without any embarrassment, that the suppression of presidential elections would be economical and would prevent the repeated crises that they generate. While there are many other situations that cost a lot of money to this country. The case of regional elections, quadruply budget-consuming: the cost of their organization, the cost of setting up the operating logistics of the regional council that will result from it, the cost of setting up the Senate, and the cost of its operation, is highly illustrative.
To the last concern, by far the most important, we are told that the deputies are not interim, therefore they are legitimate.
An explanation too partial that could still be understood a little if there were no law professors at the table.
Any legal text has a letter and a spirit. Taking the letter and leaving the spirit, like in the case of a human being, is creating a lifeless body.
I am truly sorry for all those who were on this panel to defend the change of constitution, they were hardly convincing, let alone persuasive.
3- the presence of academics on the panel alongside politicians
For some time now, we have been accustomed to seeing academics come out to defend the regime’s positions whenever an unpopular decision is made. This happened again on Saturday, March 30, 2024.
We thank them for their often spectacular appearances, but I believe that academics should stay in universities to let politicians do politics.
Academics can, within a group of technocrats, give their position on questions within their competence and expertise. But seeing them alongside politicians to defend the positions of a regime is awkward, especially on a panel like that of March 30, 2024.
The only thing that could have not made us uncomfortable in such conditions, is if we were told if they are members of such and such political party, if so. At that point, they would no longer present themselves with their scientist label, but with that of partisans who came to defend a party rather than science. That would be more understandable.
If someone aspires to do politics, let them create a political party or openly join a political party and get involved in it.*
I have chosen to create one and position it in the opposition, because I believe that there is much to be revised in the country’s management.
Everyone has their choice.
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Read the original article(French) on Togo Actualite
